Serious research is the key to a successful search of treasure

Serious research is the key to a successful search of treasure

17 Aug2018

For a better evaluation, a search engine should be equipped with one of the most important components - the knowledge of good locations for searching. Without a serious investigation, a metal detector can not find good clues to the inadequacies, hence the "productive" situations. So he came up with places that were evident, well-known and investigated by the past, and competing with other explorers who do the same. This "lazy species" method leads to the loss of many efforts to find less and less valuable things. Theoretically, a good location for a metalization is an area used by a small number of people over a long period of time, or a region used by thousands over a short period of time. In fact, the best places to search are those that have not seen many explorers or, better, have not yet been identified. Research, now more than before, is essential to finding good places like this, and to reap the rewards for the time and effort involved in the process. Metallization research includes archived studies (including electronic and Internet libraries), map analysis (mapping research), and complete land survey (walking). Of the various types of research, archival studies, commonplace locations for exploration or specific types, map research and walking are easily done, relatively effective, and require no special skill. This essentially focuses on two basic research methods that will prepare you for the start and help you achieve satisfactory results. Some enthusiasts may object that these methods teach explicit searches and are fairly true. But in most cases, productive places are simply ignored by everyone because they are obviously apparent there and hence they are removed and covered. Several other types of research are described in the last pages of the paper. Write down the tips and suggestions you need to help others! Below is a table of contents that helps you navigate. General Metal Identification A generalized evaluation includes searches around coins, buttons, jewelery, personal effects and small-medium sized antique items (small household items, pieces of weapons and weapons created by the effect of the halo). All common findings, Which can be found at farms, parks, lands, ghost towns, and so on. You can find a list of all the general evaluation options here. General metal detection and target recovery techniques are generally described in the introduction instructions for metal detectors. You can find more information on metallization in the "How to measure it?" And "Target Pointing Techniques" as well as other sections of this site. Types of metal detectors required: Each metal VLF / TR ground metal detector performs the same. The more the metal detector you use is more expensive, the greater the probability of the findings that you might get out of the ground. The most expensive metal detectors are usually "Turn on and go", along with other advanced features, they have automatic alignment, automatic cookie and semi-automatic sensitivity. This convenient time saver allows you to control your metal detector without the alignment of your meter (reducing the optimal communication from the ore to the state of the earth), dealing with "hot stones", and bending Soften with wrong signals when the amount of soil is high. Features, Equipment and Accessories Identifier: Separation control is very necessary. Manual or automatic alignment, or both (ideal case) The DD (double DD) winding wires with a thickness of 8 to 9 inches are preferred for oval-shaped coils of medium size. The search coils of different sizes should be used according to your search techniques and / or the metallization requirements: smaller windings - for the evaluation of locations with a high concentration of waste, larger coins - for concentrated areas Less waste. For information on searching for different types and sizes of coils, their advantages and disadvantages, their applications and their secrets, see the "Secrets and Tips of the Search Winding" page. Headphones are required to be able to hear the sound of "small" signals, and do not attract or disturb the attention of a passer-by. The possible drilling tools range from plastic hives to all-purpose treasure searches made from special steel. Portable electronic pointers / proximity detectors are highly helpful in fast positioning of identified objects inside the excavated holes during recovery in a very dry or sandy soil. You may want to see the "Review Electronic Pointer" page. Sometimes, if the ground is not wet, it is impossible to keep the dirt plug in the right place and use the branching technique of the plug. The bag portion is used to store your findings-coins, buttons, antiques and garbage separately. The bag should be waterproof to prevent dirt from hiding your clothes and be strong enough to withstand a lot of weight. Do not leave anything wrong! The knee (at least one) is recommended. Stylish, lightweight gloves from your hands against incidents of cutting your hand over glass jars, sharp pieces of rust-covered iron sheets, rust and other nails.

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The history of the metal detector

The history of the metal detector

17 Aug2018

The history of the metal detector We need to know that the metal detectors that are used today have a long and wonderful story that is very interesting. In the middle of the nineteenth century, after the invention of electricity, scientists and employees of the silver and gold mines began testing on a tool that could search for underground metals. Such a tool could be very helpful to those who were looking for gold in the golden age of the golden age, and would be very wealthy the first person to use it. The first invented metal detector did not find any gold, but was instead tested to find the bullet in the body of the president of the United States, which did not recognize the location of the bullet. This metal detector was made by Alexander Graham Bell. Although the metalwork that Alexander Graham Bell invented could not identify the bullet in the president's body, he was a model for a durable and reliable model for the construction of further metal detectors. The first metal detectors were very large, complex and worked with vacuum tubes. The most important effect of these metal detectors was to spread the reputation of the metal detector everywhere. Subsequently, metal detectors were invented to be used during the World War to find untapped mines and bombs. In the twenties of the twentieth century, Gerhard Fischer discovered that metal detectors were more efficient at a smaller and portable scale, and produced a metallurgy that had this feature. In the following years, the invention of transistors, separators, winding designs, and, finally, wireless technology made major changes to metal detectors and went to light metal detectors, portable in various places, and searchable in today's great depths. With the rapid advancements in technology, the future of metal detectors will definitely change and will have more variety and capabilities.

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Electromagnetic interactions of metal detectors

Electromagnetic interactions of metal detectors

17 Aug2018

Abstract This paper examines the levels and spectra of electrical and electromagnetic fields generated by the metal detector gate. Identification systems around us use deliberate emission of electromagnetic waves as an acting medium that affects humans and their environment. Using the ESM-100 field gauge, it was possible to determine the distribution of the intensity values ​​from several selected gate systems. These values ​​were compared to the current intensity limit. Introduction At the present time, interest in anti-theft technologies and systems to identify terrorist threats has increased. Some of these technologies use electromagnetic radiation to find metals. The metal detectors were produced for military purposes - mines with metal construction can be found with detectors. At the moment, industrial metal detectors and entertainment are dominating the market, while gates are used to find metals in courts and airports. Industrial samples are mainly used to find water pipes, gas or underground lines or inside building walls. A large group of detectors are installed devices that are used in public areas, airports, and other enclosed areas for protection purposes. Several applications and the increasing popularity of these detectors have led to the need for scientific studies on the effects of the radiation emitted by such devices on human organisms, and the results determine the legal level of the permissible intensity of the waves of these devices. Metal detectors in the gates Gates related to finding metals in airports and other public places have been expanding. At present, microprocessor-controlled metal detector gates are used with special parameters for tracking and detecting at airports and courts. They have a wide range of tracking that includes a few vertical and horizontal ranges. Special models of this machine can detect metal objects in more than 30 different locations. Increasing tracking limits makes it possible for more people to cross the gate every minute, and with high precision, where more searches are needed. Different prohibited objects are recognizable, and the objects allowed can be omitted depending on the program selected for the device and its sensitivity settings. The tracking range covers a range from floor to top of the detector. The metal detector gate must meet stringent security standards. On the one hand, there is a group of EMD standards (enhanced metal detectors) in the light of the TSA, NIJ 0601.02 for metallic gates, related to the finding of a gun and a 3-Gun FAA test (Federal Aviation Administration) And, on the other hand, the metal detector before entering the market should meet the requirements of EMC (electromagnetic compatibility) and also CSA, TEC, CB and ICNIRP (International Commission on Non-ionizing Radiation Protection) and international requirements and The environment. There are two types of tools that are used in public spaces of particular importance. People are inspected through electromagnetic gates and manual metal detectors. In contrast, luggage and objects carried by individuals / travelers are examined by X-ray devices. At the time of checking the gates, the person stands in an electromagnetic alternating field. Its value can only be in accordance with applicable standards. Therefore, the intensity of both electrical and magnetic components can not exceed the threshold applied to people permanently residing in the field. However, the person who passes through the gate, is subjected to irradiation due to the fact that it is completely in the gate for a few seconds. Analysis of the distribution of H and E intensity The analysis done in this article is based on our research, which is done on two types of detectors. Measurements were made in 2016. One of the detectors was placed in the courts of Lublin and the other at the gateway, which was used at the airport. Due to security regulations, little information is available on the performance of this type of equipment. Therefore, the analysis of possible electromagnetic interactions of the above-mentioned systems is presented on human organisms. The usual principle of tracking performance is based on changes in the amount of magnetic induction. Detecting transmitter and receiver signals in the detector allows the proper operating conditions, including sirens, to be activated. The changes detected in induction values ​​can be due to eddy induced currents in metallic objects that are located on the coil surface of the transmitter. The effect of eddy currents will be the reaction of the magnetic field generated by the magnetic field with the receiver cross section. Adherence to interactions leads to a deviation from the operating mode that triggers the siren's illumination. The final solutions are completely different, and are often backed up by patents and patches. The ESM100 sensor, used for research in this paper, has an isotropic magnetic field sensor to measure both the magnetic field and the magnetic component in the frequency range of 5 to 400 kHz. Because of the metal components of the sensor, it was necessary to take a specific measurement procedure that did not require long-term measurements until the siren was sounded. Measurements were performed in two steps. In the first period, the spatial distribution of the intensity of electrical and magnetic components was determined. By removing the gauge at specified intervals (every 10 centimeters) of the gate walls, the values ​​and trends of the variation of intensity were determined. The test was performed on three axes - the main axis in the center of the gate with two lateral axis at 30 degrees outside the right and left of the gate. The geometry of axis measurement and values ​​are presented in Fig. 3. The apparent observed tendency of reducing the magnetic induction (magnetic field intensity) is significantly reduced by gradually increasing the distance from the active gate segment. The measurements were carried out at a height of 1 meter from the ground. The next step in relation to the severity of the senassation was at the closest distance from the gate walls in the height function. Measurements were made every 15 cm once, starting from the bottom of the walls of the gate. The values ​​obtained explicitly showed the presence of two "active" sites that had passive coil sections, as well as "passive" sections that had the recipient level. In addition to the intensity trajectory during the test, the detection of electromagnetic waves was also carried out. The spectral form obtained through the digital Rigol E102 digital oscilloscope showed that both the frequency and magnitude of the two sensors regulate the metal detector's signal. We found the coordination components in the signal range from 4kHz to 48kHz. The second tracking system is a common system used in certain areas, such as airports. The system is generally larger, and is designed to scan more people by extending the tracing of personal objects and luggage through the X-ray system. Like previous gates, testing included several sections. The first step was to determine the parameters of magnetic and electric fields along the transmission axis along with the entire length of the inspection system. Measurement distances were determined every 20 cm once and the measurement height was 1 meter above the ground. Maximum viewing values ​​from the electric and magnetic field for the first gate were 86.9 μT (70 A / m) and 554 V / m. In the case of the second test, the highest observed values ​​of the field were 41 μT (33.4 A / m) and 254 V / m respectively. Valid values ​​are not higher than the 2016 revised regulations (Table 1). In the case of handheld metal detectors, it should be noted that their emissions are lower. The manually scanned Terascan ESH-10 scanner measures a few hundred times smaller - a magnetic induction of about 100 nT and a magnetic component of 40 V / m. The state of compatibility of electronic medical devices is completely different. As reported by the industry, abnormalities affecting the heart rate regulator are in fact due to the transition to a "steady state" frequency and is completely safe for the patient. Neurotransmitters and auto electrocutroscopes also do not show an adverse reaction to the field. But the function of the Holter monitor is interrupted. Observed rates and exposure times for those who are rarely involved with metal detectors, such as airport travelers, are completely safe. But widespread use of tracking systems in many public institutions and anti-theft systems in stores, increases the intensity of the effects of waves. Conclusion With regard to most of the equipment used and produced, there is no need for measurement and assessment of exposure to electromagnetic fields. Researches confirm the existence of a safe area. Independent research, however, is a reflection of the concerns of users of metal detectors and those who stand next to them, as well as the statements and conclusions of many research studies that still have the potential for chronic complications, even when exposed to fields. Show a weak ratio. In the human body exposed to the electromagnetic field, an electrical current is created which affects the frequency of the field. For example, in medium to medium frequencies, nerve and muscle tissue may be stimulated, and in radio frequency and microwave frequencies, tissue temperature increases within the body or the skin surface. Induced currents can disrupt and stimulate electrophysiological processes in the nervous and muscle cells. The researchers have allowed the relevant institutions to do this research, but there have been some restrictions on the disclosure of sensitive information that has been made in relation to security issues.

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Gold mining mobility and space in Upper Guinea, Guinea Conakry

Gold mining mobility and space in Upper Guinea, Guinea Conakry

10 Aug2018

1. Introduction In February 2011, I began a year of fieldwork in the village of Guirlan in Northeastern Guinea (Conakry), where I would come to know the dry season for the first time. I was immediately struck by the number of people who were absent from the village. Homes were empty, and only older women, children and a few other inhabitants remained in the village. Two censuses, one conducted during the dry season and the other during the rainy season,1 later confirmed the significance of this migratory phenomenon. The village clearly endured massive departures during the dry season, affecting on average a third of the members of each household – men and women included – mainly to work in artisanal gold mines. The arrival of people returning to work in the fields at the beginning of the rainy season was just as significant. In September 2012, I returned for a second time, for a five-month field study, but this time the back-and-forth of some individuals was much more rapid and seemingly chaotic than what I had seen in 2011. A few inhabitants left, came back, and left again, sometimes after having only stayed a few hours or a few days. In short, two forms of mobility coexisted, and according to the inhabitants, the explanation lay in a new technical tool: the metal detector. It was all anyone could talk about, especially the young bachelors,2 who now constituted the majority in gold exploitation, since metal detectors had been introduced. The inhabitants had always practiced artisanal gold mining, but according to Musa a miner I interviewed, the use of a metal detector allows the miner to return home more often and to gain much more money. The mines were well known to Musa, and he was reputed to have good luck. He had managed to build a concrete house for his mother, in a village where there were no more than ten such houses for over a thousand inhabitants. In this article, I interrogate the evolutions that have occured within the various forms of mining-related mobilities in this region, and the way in which they create and characterise spaces. Thus, choosing to employ the concept of “forms” is far from arbitrary. In using it, I situate my analysis in a perspective which maintains that mobilities create ties (and not ruptures) and allow individuals to “enter into relationships” (Simmel, 2009). I thereby envision them as one form of socialisation among others. The term “mobility” is preferred to “migration” because it best encompasses the variety of movements observable, including their circular dimensions and their social and cultural embeddedness (De Bruijn et al., 2001; Bakewell and Jónsson, 2011). I also situate my work in continuity with that of de Certeau (1984), for whom space is “an intersection of mobile elements”, and for whom “in relation to place,3 space is like the word when it is spoken” (p. 117). In this context, the “mobile elements” are in reference to individuals and to objects such as the metal detector. Therefore, I posit that the different “intersections” at the foundation of the constitution of spaces are neither incidental nor random, and that they rely on particular forms which, as we will see, are not the same with artisanal gold mining and with that based on the use of metal detectors. In Guirlan, if certain people are permitted to leave it is only because others stay behind. This is particularly striking when it comes to maintaining a household. What is important, as I am told, is to not let the household (lu in Malinké) – composed of classified brothers, their wives and their children – “die”. Families count on an adelphic mode of succession in order for the household to continue existing, wherein the second-born brother succeeds the first-born brother, followed by the next-born, and so on. This mode of succession in itself influences movements in general, as it implies that men can only leave once another has returned, in contrast to succession from father to son. In the first case, all men must theoretically return home one day to take their place as the head of the household, and in the second, favouring the firstborn gives a certain liberty of movement to the younger brothers. In parallel to the adelphic mode of succession, the lu is perpetuated following the principle of patri-virilocality – involving the circulation of wives – which allows for ensuring offspring. Therfore, in order to maintain the lu, all individuals must at one time or another fulfil an obligation to be present, according to their sex, their age, and their status. What is more, one’s presence in the village is closely linked to being visible in daily life: you have to “be seen”, residents told me, “stay awhile”, call on one another, etc. Young men will put a few benches under the shade of a tree and make tea, an old woman will put a chair out and sit for part of the day, giving others the chance to come and greet her, young girls will meet in the central court of the family compound to cook, and children will play together near them: one has to see and be seen by all. This manner of “being there” in daily life seems to easily contribute to the desire to maintain households. The visibility of the inhabitants has the effect of reinforcing the spatial stability they so earnestly seek. At first sight, the obligation to be there might not seem favourable to longterm, permanent mobility. And yet, young men go out “seeking adventure”, wives go to Mali to sell spices, and especially, more and more inhabitants go to the artisanal gold mines in the region. Although gold extraction had already been practiced in West Africa during the pre-colonial period, particularly in the Ghanaian and Malian Empires,4 specialists agree that these practices intensified in the 1980s; some even speak of a “gold rush” 5 taking place at this time in the region (Mbodj, 2009, 2011). Guinea is no exception: over the past two decades, its gold mines have become one of the principle sources of income for inhabitants.6 This paper aims to understand the way in which mining mobilities, depending on their various forms, create specific spaces of sociability. I will start by examining artisanal mining spaces, showing how the gold miners’ temporary installation in camps allows for communities to emerge and defining those communities. In the second section, I will show how the introduction of metal detectors has given way to a new form of mobility which is constantly shifting and more difficult to grasp, encouraging a perspective which is more focused on miners’ trajectories. 2. Artisanal mining camps: miniature villages? In May 2011, I decided to spend three months at the gold mines with two young men from Guirlan who had been planning their trip for several days. They only decided on their destination the night before their departure, when Musa called them to tell them about a promising mining area near the city of Mandiana – renowned for the mining areas in its vicinity – 85 km from Kankan. And so, the three of us left at daybreak to meet with Musa in Faralako, five kilometres from Mandiana, where a large proportion of the gold miners from Guirlan had set up camp. It is hard to determine exactly how many people were present in the camp at that time; perhaps about 2000 if we are to believe what some said. The camp, which I could immediately see was temporary in nature due to the makeshift wooden shelters covered with straw, seemed to be divided into “neighbourhoods”, grouping individuals according to their place of origin. All of the miners from Guirlan were in the same camp and had joined together with those from Diansoumana, a village which borders Guirlan. The miners from the two villages were mostly all familiar with one another: “You see, we stick together and we organise ourselves”, one told me. I was immediately struck by how many women were present. Authors have already noted their high rate of participation in artisanal mining. In Mali mines, for example, it has been reported that women represent 50% of the local mining population, on average (Hentschel et al., 2003: 31). I interviewed 51 Guirlan women – 30 of whom were married and 21 of whom were single – aged between 15 and 70, each of whom was asked to describe their trip(s) to gold mines. Spouses were sometimes accompanied by their husbands (12 out of 30); generally, they were the last of their husbands’ wives, their husbands refusing to leave them in the village “out of jealousy”, the miners said. Others came alone or fled, leaving their husbands or close relatives behind. Although this is generally condemned in the village, some spouses managed to obtain permission from the members of their household to go to the mines as long as they stayed with other Guirlan natives (14 out of 30 reported this). This was the case of Mariama, who recounted, in an interview, the events of a typical day: In the morning, everyone gets up at their own pace. I actually wake up earlier than most because the other women and I take turns preparing the food. We prepare breakfast, or sometimes, if everyone has chipped in, we ask one of the men to go buy bread, mayonnaise and Nescafé. Some don’t eat with us, they prefer to take their breakfast at the café with other miners. We also have to fetch water, but we never go alone. Either we go in a group with the other women, or sometimes a man will accompany us. We tidy up the camp and then we wait for those who are going to work to get ready to go. There are days when some go ahead of us to get an early start, butI never go to the mining area alone, it’s about two or three kilometres away after all. Here, we don’t go to the mines very early because you have to wait for the machines that pump the water to pass. There’s a lot of water in the mines these days so we don’t start working until 11am or noon. However, we don’t stop working until 6pm or later. But at night, you aren’t allowed to mine. The police patrol at night. Once I’m back, I bathe. Again, I don’t go alone. There is a spot in the bush where we all go together to bathe. You have to get your water at the well, and then find a hidden spot. Usually, Landiné [one of the miners in the camp native to Guirlan] accompanies us. With him, we aren’t afraid. The women who go alone are the ones that have problems and who have something to hide. But in our group, there’s nothing like that. In the evening we make tea. Either a young girl who stayed in the camp to look after the children or else a woman who came back a bit early from work will have cooked. Other times we buy dishes of beans. Everyone likes that, and it’s the kind of thing you can’t get in Guirlan. It’s nice a change! Sometimes, the camps can give the impression of being miniature, temporary villages where individuals of all ages settle for a few weeks or months. They are the locations of intense business activitiy which, it seems, contributes to the building of a relatively autonomous space. Indeed, when a mining area is first exploited, traveling salespeople also come and settle in the camps to profit from the temporary crowds. In the case of the Faralako camp, there were several bar-cafés, which were full every evening but also, near the mining area, vendors selling motorcycles, mobile phones, clothes and utilitarian objects of all kinds (soap, buckets, tubes, etc.). One often hears the gold miners repeating that you can find “everything” at the mines. The mining way of life is therefore cherished by some young men who, besides being able to find original t-shirts and multiple-sim mobile phones, can spend their money however they want, eat the food they want, and most of all, take advantage of the presence of young women who (according to the men), even when surveyed, find strategies to get away from their “chaperones”. This discourse clearly is not shared by all but contributed to the image of the miner as both virile and resourceful, and leading an ostentatious7 life, which is addressed later. A specific social life thus takes shape in these camps, and it would therefore be reductive to consider it just the reproduction of village social relationships. For example, the bar-cafés, which are usually only frequented by men in Guirlan, become, at the mines, spaces where it is possible for men and women to be in proximity.8 Some, such as Condé, the oldest of the women from Guirlan to come to Faralako, even maintained attitudes which are considered “masculine” in the village (for example, drinking coffee or walking fast), which the other inhabitants attribute to her “habits from the mines” of which she cannot rid herself. These spaces also allow for a sort of “short-term marriage”, called fudukurunin, which, to my knowledge, is unique to the mines. It appears to be quite close to the hawara union described in Tanzania: “Girls are especially eager to find a man to live with, related to their need for a sense of both material security and physical protection given the ‘rough life’ of the mining settlement” (Bryceson et al., 2013: 45). Only a few cases were reported to me but there is consensus among the miners that it is generally the runaway women, single or married, who stay in the camps alone. For comfort, it was said, they seduce one or more men who can offer them protection and financial support.9 The miners say that some of them even use their charm to steal gold or money from the men who succumb to them. But I reject the idea that prostitution is the essence of such social relationships. Rather, I find it more useful to see it as a negotiated, even sometimes conflictual social relationship, based on interdependence, since miners also fall back on the incomes of their “girlfriends” (Bryceson et al., 2013, 2014). Although I heard that some of these unions could potentially be prolonged, it seems that for the most part they only last the time of one season and that they are not the object of any particular ceremony. The camps thus possess norms which are unique to them and tolerate in particular temporary unions,10 thereby becoming “other” spaces. Some authors thus qualify them as “heterotopias” (Werthmann, 2010), following Foucault’s argument: There are also, probably in every culture, in every civilization, real places11—places that do exist and that are formed in the very founding of society— which are something like countersites, a kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites, all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted. 12 Places of this kind are outside of all places, even though it may be possible to indicate their location in reality. Because these places are absolutely different from all the sites that they reflect and speak about, I shall call them, by way of contrast to utopias, heterotopias [1984: 3]. The advantage of this notion, without considering it to be an exhaustive or definitive definition for the camps or more broadly for gold mining spaces, is that it emphasises a process of “condensation” of what Foucault calls “real sites”. He later adds “The heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are in themselves incompatible.” (p. 6). Furthermore, these spaces allow, among other things, for the presence of individuals who would not have had access to mobility without them. Many unaccompanied married or single women run away to the mine themselves, taking pains to avoid settling in a camp where there are many Guirlan natives. For example, when a young woman is pregnant before having contracted a marriage, she will usually leave to give birth in another town, another village, or at a gold mine. In this context, it is not the mines themselves that are important; what matters most is being able to avoid giving birth publicly to a child who is unrecognised by any father and unclaimed by any household. However, the gold mines also allow these young women to gain financial autonomy and to remove themselves from working for their mothers. This is also the case for wives who were financially abandoned by their husbands. According to the inhabitants, the exodus of married and single women is closely linked to the intensification of gold extractionbecause the mining way of life allows them to gain their own income as well as a certain level of autonomy. According to some runaway wives, going to the mines alone, where no one knows them, means that they no longer have to justify themselves or respect the obligation to have a presence and to “be seen”. It allows them to have “something else”, possibilities that they would not have conceived of previously. The mines can therefore be analysed as spaces of juxtaposition in the Foucauldian sense, accommodating and producing normally incompatible social relationships, and spaces of potential, offering opportunities that did not exist in the village13 (Werthmann, 2009). As we shall see, the camps allow for the emergence of a more egalitarian model which, rather than depending on a rigid definition of the statuses of each individual, is based on one’s relationship to mining work itself. 3. Emergence of an egalitarian model The mining areas in which I stayed were not managed by businesses but by village organisations, of which the members are called tombolomanyi14 in Malinké and which benefit from military assistance. These village organisations are created spontaneously when a local farmer renders a field for gold exploitation. The farmer, as well as the tombolomanyi, receives a variable percentage of the earnings from the mining. Among other things, the tombolomanyi are notably responsible for attributing mine shafts to newcomers. Panella (2005, 2007) explains that, before mining was intensified in the 1980s, the main function of the tombolomanyi was to defend the village against thieves. Their tasks have since broadened. Today, they function as true corporations, regulating, mediating and sanctioning all issues concerning gold extraction and life in the camps. The tombolomanyi hold regular assemblies and sanction infractions against village laws, including cases of theft and murder. Their most difficult task consists of preventing miners from tunnelling horizontally into other mine shafts to prevent cave-ins. Regulating such situations requires them to be experienced miners, capable of intervening in occasionally critical situations. All of them have already worked in the mines and have reached the “rank” of kalanjan-ti, literally “chief of the long pickaxe”. Indeed, some miners are more experienced than others, and not all execute the same tasks. In Faralako, they were organised into groups of four to six individuals, including men and women. Anyone can buy a mine shaft (in June 2011, a shaft was worth 10,000 FG, or a little more than 1 USD,15 to be paid to the village chief), as long as they can assemble a work team and provide them with lunch. Therefore, the groups of workers are not the owners of the shaft attributed to them. Generally a farmer/landowner secedes his land for gold extraction in exchange for a percentage (determined with the village chief) of the money earned from gold mining. Shafts are them traced out in a line, side by side, by the tombolomanyi. First, they are sunk vertically by the least experienced miners until a certain threshold is reached, called nara in Malinké, identified by the presence of lime. Next the kalanjan-ti take over and begin digging horizontal tunnels. The women’s role consists of pulling the heavy buckets of gravel up out of the mines by rope and washing them in streams near the mine shafts.16 Gold dust and flakes or, occasionally, nuggets, then emerge, as gold is generally denser than the earth that surrounds it. The gold collected is then ground – although some sold it crude after washing – in order to liberate as much of the precious mineral from the gangue.17 Gold buyers were present, fully legally, in the camps or in the markets of the region’s bigger towns. Their trademark is their minimalist materials: a scale, weights and a few cups placed on a Table or displayed on shelves behind a pane of glace. The gold extracted by the people I was with had not been treated before selling, and, in December 2012, a gram sold for about 375,000 FG, or about 52 USD. Given that the shaft owner does not pay his workers, the income earned from this form of artisanal gold extraction is, in principle, equally shared among the different members of the group, including women, and a variable percentage is reserved for the village where the area is located. Indeed, besides the Village Chief, a Chief of Mines is also designated, to whom gold miners pay an extraction tax when they arrive. In Faralako, 1/10 of the earnings was reserved for the village which managed the area and 2/10 were for the owners of the water pumps. The remaining 7/10 were then shared equally between the workers and the owner. The ethnical principle of sharing and mutual aid is mentioned in most work dealing with artisanal mines in the region and is based on the fundamental principles of the koroya18 (seniority), that is “primogeniture, accomplishment of tasks, mutual aid and not being ostentatious” (Panella, 2007, 2005). However, this ethical principle also originates, according to inhabitants, in the very serious consideration given to ginayi, 19 invisible beings mentioned in the Coran who are considered the possessors of gold and of precious metals and stones in general.20 Therefore, mining spaces are also meeting points between these invisible beings and humans, where workers expose themselves to dangerous encounters. This proximity to ginayi reinforces the image of the mines as “other” spaces in which extra precautions must be taken, such as not working after 4pm (when genies appear) or not leaving any of the mined gold behind. One must also perform certain (mainly animal)21 sacrifices (hadiya), to stay in the genies’ good graces. Red or ochre coloured animals remain the favoured choice for sacrifice today, as they make reference to blood and to danger and as the colour is analogous to gold. Indeed, what the inhabitants call “luck” in this context actually refers to the development of specific relationships between ginayi and humans. Thus, in 2011, mining spaces offered a particular mode of relationships, based on a vocabulary of sibling affinity and lasting only as long as one’s presence in this specific space. The gold miners referred to themselves as “brothers” and “sisters” in “suffering”, and sometimes the older miners were called borin (maternal uncle) or naronin (term which literally means “little mother”, generally used for one’s mother’s sisters), as references to maternal kinship, which, according to the miners, is the form of complicity which takes shape in the camps. Perhaps we could even speak of maternal sibling affinity, given that, according to inhabitants, complicity and cooperation are more significant among siblings of the same mother than among those who share only a father. However, when I returned for a second field stay in Guirlan in September 2012, this time for five months, many miners had given up on their pickaxes and swore only by their metal detectors. Their movements back and forth between the mines and the village had accelerated, creating a constant parade of motorcycles in the village. While the miners described above still stayed in the camps a relatively long time, this new type of miner followed their “luck”, information on promising mining areas, and especially their metal detectors, which had become actors in and of themselves in determining miners’ movements. How have metal detectors transformed the mining spaces based on a seasonal temporality and relationships based on ethics, sharing and communal living? Could the use of the metal detector be the source of a new way of “creating” spaces? 4. Metal detectors: From the surface to the line With the introduction of metal detectors mining mobilities have become more male-dominated.22 Miners diversified their exploitation spots and left for shorter periods of time without truly settling. In contrast to the camps, such incessant movements would not be compatible with female mobility as they do not allow for stable settling. It also seems that, given that the women in Guirlan have little travel experience – save for the ceremony of accompanying one’s husband to his home or any movements she might have made in his company – going away for several days or weeks without settling sustainably is incongruous to the norms of feminine presence. A female presence is characterised by a prolonged stay in a single place, with only brief, local absences. Miners are thus no longer subscribed to a process of settling and their mobilities look more and more like opportunistic movements. In December 2012, I spent a few days in Kourémali, a border town between Guinea and Mali. There, miners come by the thousands and market stalls fight over every minute centimetre. Big cars are lined up, one after the other, as mechanical incarnations of the fortune of the miners present in the city. The authorities are immediately visible: customs, border police, and military personnel have turned the city into their playground, moving about freely, armed, greeting some and yelling at others. Here, building shelters to establish a camp is out of the question, as simply finding a spot, even on the ground in the courtyards of those who were willing to have us,23 was quite challenging. And yet, I had never seen quite so many miners as in Kourémali. There was hardly any ground space left in the courtyards, and miners had begun spending the night on the sides of paths. The city is very noisy until late at night: the men prefer to spend part of the night in bar-cafés, unable to sleep, motorcycles come and go, and people adjust their metal detectors. In the morning, it is as if the agitation of the night never ended and the coming and going of motorcycles picks right back up at sunrise, already bringing miners to the extraction areas. Some miners work alone, but the vast majority work in groups of two or three who share a metal detector. Just as with the mine shafts, they do not own their metal detector, as the initial investment is steep— between 1000 and 5000 USD for the best machines.24 One or more individuals would generally invest in a metal detector and would then allow groups of workers to use it. Shares of the gold are intended to be equal, although at first, two-thirds of the income is reserved for the owners(s) until the machine has paid for itself.25 One of the miners who accompanied me climbed off of his motorcycle, his faced covered with the red earth which characterises this region. Holes pitted the mining areas as far as the eye could see, proof of the intensity of exploitation. A few silhouettes, almost phantom-like, seemed to wander over the broken earth. The metal detector is aptly named in Malinke: its name literally translates as a “blind man’s cane”. The miners followed their detectors, and above all, the silence which reigned over the area was in stark contrast with the effervescence, the verbal jousting, and the shouting which characterises artisanal mines. In Kourémali, with headphones clamped to their ears, the miners traced random lines along the ground, following the sounds of the machines. Indeed, there was no longer any question of investing the space of the mines and creating a community as with the artisanal gold mines. Use of detectors is characterised by such instability and mobility that the miners did not even have the possibility of settling, even temporarily. Miners follow their detectors, and when the search is successful they dig large holes of about two meters deep. It is important to note that this kind of exploitation can “freeze” the artisanal one by damaging the soil, in which it becomes almost impossible to dig pits after. Miners do not need to stay a long time in one field, and sometimes they sleep directly on the ground for one or two nights before moving on to their next episode of fieldwork or returning to their villages. Clearly, the spaces created by this type of exploitation depend on miners’ trajectories and on their mobility. I positthat these trajectories lead to a mode of spatialisation which is close to that described by Ingold (2007) in his work: Threads may be transformed into traces, and traces into threads. It is through the transformation of threads into traces, I argue, that surfaces are brought into being. And conversely, it is through the transformation of traces into threads that surfaces are dissolved [p. 25]. Indeed, once we see mining mobilities as lines, how can we not see mine shafts and camps as traces, and the paths drawn by the motorcycles and metal detectors as threads? Artisanal mine spaces seem to need traces to be established, which assumes that relationships – albeit negotiated – with humans built on solidarity (based on a model of maternal sibling affinity) but also with ginayi. Can we, reflexively, identify a kind of sociability which is unique to the spaces created by the use of metal detectors and which seem to dissolve the surfaces of artisanal mines into threads? 5. Competition lines? ostentatiousness of spending the incomes it produces. This ostentatious way of life has been well documented in studies on West African gold mines, including in artisanal sites (for example, see Grätz and Marchal, 2003; Werthmann, 2008; High, 2008) but in these settings, and in principle, it remains “deliberate” and oriented towards sharing and redistribution.26 On the contrary, the introduction of metal detectors seems to have given way to a new kind of ostentatiousness which is more centred on waste and on rivalry with other miners. It can explain why condemnation of certain behaviours has grown stronger in the region. A man of about 40 years old, an experienced miner, reflected on the attitudes of the younger miners in a bar-café in Siguiri: The youth today are not serious. Instead of saving their money, they spend it stupidly by “burning up” petrol. Every day, young men make round trips for no reason, just to show off that they have enough money to buy petrol! They’re cursed children, they are. God won’t help them! If you want God to show you where the gold is, you have to behave correctly. [He then gave an example] Ayoung man was in a night club with his girlfriend. To impress her, he bought a motorcycle, right then and there. He called a mechanic and told him to bring the motorcycle to the night club parking lot right away. The salesman brought an Apache motorcycle, the most expensive on the market, four million FG.27 The young man went to the parking lot with his girlfriend and told the others to come, too. To show off how much money he had, he emptied the fuel tank onto the motorcycle. You should have seen it! He took out a match, and then, he threw it . . . The fire was huge! That right there is not good behaviour. How do you think God will repay you after that? I hear he hasn’t found anything for six months . . . 28 Finding gold is certainly a “stroke of good luck”, but which can quickly turn against the beneficiary, becoming a curse (danka). This argument is explained by the fact the gold is considered to belong to the ginayi, and by the ethical principle of sharing which is at the heart of the mining way of life. This anecdote puts miners’ “good” behaviour in close relation with their success in searching for gold. In this way, the miner’s behaviour is strongly condemned by this man because he is wasting money instead of giving to others. In this example, the problem seems to arise from blocking circuits of redistribution. This is especially true when the miners, due to their earnings,29 pass from the status of a simple worker to that of an investor and owner of several metal detectors. This was the case with a man of about 30 years old from a neighbouring village who found approximately two kilos of gold in the courtyard of his home. He had just bought a metal detector, having made his fortune in the artisanal mining sector, and was testing it before leaving for a mining area in Siguiri. He obviously never suspected that he would find such a quantity of gold so close to his home. He is said to have gained nearly six hundred million FG (approximately 82,759 USD) which he used to build a villa, considered to be one of the most beautiful in the region, and most of all, to buy several more metal detectors to continue gold extraction. This economic and social ascension is an example of how a group of entrepreneurs can form. Out of a system based on group organisation and equal sharing of the gold, we may be witnessing the emergence of a model which more closely resembles that of a small business. The owner of the metal detector progressively becomes an employer, in competition with others, paying fixed salaries to the miners rather than sharing the gold with them equally. This is already the case for work who require heavy equipment such as a crusher, designed for breaking large rocks into smaller pieces. These machines are owned by “bosses”, patrons as they are called in French, and those who work for them receive a fixed daily salary.30 But the difference between a crusher and a metal detector is that the latter depends on the finding of gold and, consequently, produces highly unpredictable and variable results. To conclude, I have shown that the forms of mobility which are unique to gold mining and to the use of metal detectors are at the root of the production and investment of very different spaces, the one relying on the temporary settlement of miners and the creation of heterotopic communities, the other on the mobilities of miners themselves, weaving the threads of the foundation of gold mining. The camps, and, more generally, artisanal gold mines, lead to egalitarian relationships of interdependence in which tasks and incomes from gold are supposed to be equally shared. Further studies on possible conflicts which may arise from sharing would be beneficial for a better understanding of the social relationships that take place in camps and help provide more in-depth information into gender relationships. At the same time, the use of metal detectors leads to more competition and rivalry between miners, not only because of the increasing of incomes but perhaps also because of an exacerbation of the image of the miner as virile due to the masculinization of mobilities. This stronger competition becomes visible through markedly ostentatious waste. Lastly, evolution in the forms of mining mobilities raises the question of the way in which miners are present in the village. Indeed, the introduction of metal detectors had the consequence of accelerating the alternating presences and absences in the village, resulting in more frequent returns and shorter stays in the mines. It is also a factor fuelling social change, redefining relationships between men and women, and between miners and their household. By reducing the length of absences, it appears that this manner of movement allows for more easily fulfilling of the obligations of being physically present in the village emphasised in the introduction. The geometry of mobilities thus leads to specific modes of sociability, wherein the form (lines or traces) allows us to better understand the contents of the relationships they produce. The use of metal detectors would have permitted the weaving of threads with the village, while artisanal gold minding – in leaving its traces – could inversely lead to the obligation to create community and, at least for a while, to break off from the native village. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Michael Houseman for his wise advices, and Juliette Cleuziou, Clémence Jullien, Charlotte Marchina, Robin Wijnhold, Laure Assaf and Alice Doublier for their very useful comments. I also thank Gavin Hilson and the two anonymous reviewers for their relevant remarks. I would also like to express my gratitude to the inhabitants of Guirlan, for their understanding and patience, especially Lansiné Condé, Faraban Traoré, Mamoudou Keïta and all of the Bayo family.

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Arguments for not buying cheap metal detectors

Arguments for not buying cheap metal detectors

10 Aug2018

I do not advise anyone to buy a cheap detector. Not only is a good metal detector a means to the past, it's an investment. As a beginner begins the pursuit of metal engagement as entertainment, he becomes curious to be deceived. From being deceived, a beginner is going to be serious, and he gets seriously addicted and there is no way back. Now, a detector whose appetites for lucrative sites, staying on the field and for better finding has increased, a cheap detector can hardly provide the latest, and a treasure hunter needs to spend more money to upgrade to a better car. . As an old saying goes, "a bastard pays twice." Today's technology is so fast that every year some new models appear on the market. And all of them have several new features that will benefit them from previous models. New-generation metal detectors are capable of detecting targets that were not identifiable by machines of previous generations. And if you get a recent group discovery, it's likely that you will fall behind two generations next year. This means that in every "explored" area you will be bored, while others are packed with "fine objects" with advanced machines, and they do not know this place in any way "investigated". If you are uncertain about investing more than $ 1,000 in a highly focused metal detector, rent a metal detector from your local dealer or borrow from one of your friends (it's best if he comes with you), and for a few days Try it at the metal testing site. After you've felt the process and realized, you decide if you want to keep up the fun or not. I hope that in the near future, they will design metal engineers that can simply go straight ahead with technology and keep up with it. It would have been nice if the design of the removable emitter widescreen detector would put microprocessor chips in the control box so anyone could change their metal detector at home. And then a researcher can continue to use the machine he is accustomed to; hence he will achieve more results. Or by changing a microchip, a detector user can change its metal detector type, or say, from a coin-finder machine to a gold exploration detector! Well, before such a discovery comes about, the update to a detector will inevitably remain a major factor. This is why you should take it seriously when you are in the process of buying a metal detector. And lastly, never forget that what makes a detector more efficient than other detectors, its only ability to "identify" the "problem" objectives is not that much, but the one that uses it. Get the most advanced detection that you can, get the "language" well out of it, try it, and then enjoy its fruitful results. Buy a good detector!

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Metal Detecting and Archaeology Suzie Thomas and Peter G. Stone

Metal Detecting and Archaeology Suzie Thomas and Peter G. Stone

30 Jun2018

Metal Detecting and Archaeology Suzie Thomas and Peter G. Stone (editors) Boydell Press, Woodbridge, UK, 2009. 224 pp., 67 fi gs., 7 pls., 3 tables, index. $95.00 cloth. Metal Detecting and Archaeology, edited by Suzie Thomas and Peter G. Stone, is a compilation of chapters by 19 authors associated with the “Buried Treasure: Building Bridges” conference held at Newcastle upon Tyne in northeast England. The meeting was envisioned as a forum for exploring mutual interests, issues of contention, and the potential for productive collaboration among cultural resource professionals and metal-detecting hobbyists. In the foreword, Lord Redesdale notes that the divide between the two groups has been infused with elements of “class politics and social division,” as professional archaeologists have long maintained proprietary authority over historic cultural resources and heritage. With her introduction to the volume, Suzie Thomas also immediately confronts the longstanding distrust between the two factions, while clearly attempting to maintain an evenhanded approach to the topic. This compendium includes the viewpoints of academic anthropologists and archaeologists, government offi cials, museum curators, civil servants, metal detectorists, and interested members of the public. Collectively, the authors represent disparate perspectives from England and Wales, as well as Poland, South Africa, Scotland, Northern Ireland, and the United States. Much of what is described has a universally familiar quality that will resonate with those who read this book. Integral to the overt examination of the specifi c relationship between archaeology and metal detecting are important implications that relate archaeology to cultural heritage, methodology, education and outreach, preservation, and cultural resource management laws, regulations, and standards––public archaeology of international scope. Those who are interested in history and involved in cultural resource preservation will fi nd it is easy to draw parallels, based on personal experience, from the situations and issues presented. The vehicle that communicates this encompassing subject matter is the documentation of struggles and compromises between cultural resource professionals and a public that lays claim to knowledge and objects associated with a shared heritage, property ownership, and perceived rights. Persistently operating beneath the surface of those legitimate concerns is the insidious element of looting solely for fi nancial profi t by “nighthawks.” As related by Thomas, the device used by the metal-detecting hobbyist today originated in a life-and-death urgency to locate landmines during World War II. In chapter 4, Cornelison and Smith chronicle pioneering uses of metal detecting in the U.S., noting that archaeologists experimented with the technology as early as the 1950s. The majority of professionals though, came to view metal detecting as ineffective for their individual applications. In response to increased use by hobbyists, archaeologists became concerned about the perception of association with treasure hunting, and have largely resisted the technology. Following early successes by Dean Snow working at the Revolutionary War Saratoga battlefi eld, archaeologists Doug Scott and Richard Fox collaborated with metal detectorists in the 1980s and began to dispel negative perceptions through their innovative surveys at the Little Big Horn battlefi eld. Their research exemplifi ed the value of large-scale, method-driven data collection, as well as professional/amateur cooperation. Although metal detecting as a hobby began in the U.S. soon after World War II, Addyman in chapter 5 notes that concerns relating to its use for “treasure hunting” in Great Britain arose in the 1970s. Using “native wit,” British hobbyists were locating numerous archaeological sites, and archaeologists were, early, disorganized in their response. Lacking an organized focus, complaints by the professional community were interpreted by the public as elitist protectionism and jealousy. Early campaigns, such as Stop Taking Our Past, attempting to infl uence public opinion against the metal-detecting hobby, ultimately proved divisive and counterproductive. Thomas relates that those Historical Archaeology, 2010. Permission to reprint required.HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 44(2) trying to reach across the aisle were maligned by loyalists on both sides of the debate. Similar to their U.S. counterparts, British archaeologists began to shun the technology for fear of being perceived as condoning treasure hunting. Archaeologists have long contended that nonscientifi c excavation does irreparable damage to historical provenience. Thomas correctly observes that much of the information to be gained from an artifact is associated with its physical context within a cultural landscape. Countering that argument, English metal-detector users point out that many of the objects they discover in rural settings have already lost their context due to deep plowing, and are in imminent danger of being destroyed. Further, hobbyists claim credit for fantastic fi nds that might otherwise have remained undiscovered. The schism between the two sides was widened by a nationally infamous incident at Wanborough, England, where a Romano-British temple site was massively looted in the 1980s. The subsequent trial and accompanying publicity was seen by many as manipulation and politicization by the archaeological community for the purpose of bringing about more restrictive British common law. To illuminate modern relations between British archaeologists, amateurs, and hobbyists, the authors provide some background on laws pertaining to cultural resources in England. The Treasure Trove Law can be traced to the 12th century when it was enforced as a deterrent to the medieval-era tax-evasion practice of hiding valuables rather than declaring them. Under the law, anyone fi nding gold or silver was obligated to report the fi nd to the appropriate authority. If the owner could not be located, the “treasure” passed to the Crown. If it could be shown that the objects had been accidentally lost or buried without intention of recovery (votive), ownership passed to the landowner. In 1996, the Treasure Act was passed as a refi nement to the Treasure Trove Law, but was soon perceived as less than effective and diffi cult to enforce. It is the more recent Portable Antiquities Scheme that is credited with providing a wealth of information on both archaeological sites and artifacts. In chapter 6, Bland explains that the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS) was conceived as a means to (1) promote public responsibility for voluntarily recording archeological finds, and (2) dramatically decrease the irreplaceable loss of information due to rampant underreporting. Museums were unable to raise funds to purchase an estimated half of all fi nds that consequently went unrecorded under the old system. PAS provides a distinction between public acquisition of artifacts and the reporting/recording of data associated with finds. Bland reports that as of January 2008, the PAS database () contained 210,000 records and 160,000 images relating to 317,000 objects. The scheme recognizes metal detecting as a legal activity, and without promoting the practice seeks to engage users rather than ignore them. Metal-detector users report approximately 68% of fi nds recorded by fi nds liaison offi cers, and Bland estimates that more than half of the metal-detector users operating in England are reporting fi nds. As illustrated by Richards and Naylor in chapter 15, benefi ts of the data being captured by PAS include geographic information system applications in which the spatial attributes of fi nds are being used to compose specifi c site distributions for modeling settlement patterns across England through time. By most accounts presented here, the success of PAS is due in large part to the nationwide network of fi nds liaison offi cers (FLOs) who have direct contact with metal detectorists and other members of the public through organized events and other forms of outreach. In chapter 10, detectorist Trevor Austin comments that the FLOs understand the hobby of metal detecting just as they understand archaeology and the environment, and they discuss the issues honestly. Commenting on the relationship, Austin describes metal detecting as “a hobby that has responsibilities,” and expresses a commonly held desire for more opportunities to work alongside archaeologists. The book includes a number of examples of collaborations between the archaeological and metal-detecting communities. In chapter 11, Spencer recounts what could be considered a paradigm shift in British numismatics. With the advent of the metal detector the traditional focus in the study of historic coins shifted from known collections to coins being discovered beneath farmlands. In contrast to the contents of known collections based on savings and currency, metal-detecting surveys in the hinterlands were producing rarely seen cut coins and small denominations associated with the transactions REVIEWS 209 of ordinary folk. Spencer and other experts realized that prior to this revelation the study of numismatics had been constructed through a selective process biased toward the wealthy who hoarded, collected, and bequeathed. Readers of Metal Detecting and Archaeology will gain insights into cultural resource management approaches elsewhere in the world. Lodwick, in chapter 9, reports that Wales operates under a PAS system similar to that used in England. The system in those two areas is considered to be liberal by comparison with Scotland, described by Saville in chapter 7, where all archaeological fi nds of any age, type, or material must be reported, and belong to the fi nder only if the Crown does not claim them. Landowners there have no claim to antiquities discovered on their property. Hurl, of Northern Ireland, reports in chapter 8 that all archaeological excavation requires a license. In Poland, as outlined by Kobylinski and Szpanowski in chapter 2, the state claims ownership of all archaeological finds, and laws prohibit private collections and trade in artifacts. In chapter 3, Becker states that metal-detector use in South Africa requires a permit issued by a professional council that requires justifi cation and affi liation with a professional agency. In her introduction to this volume, Thomas acknowledges concerns associated with the destruction of the primary context of artifacts in the fi eld. Here the message must be clearly communicated that there are aspects of primary context that can and must be interpreted only by a professional archaeologist. That said, a key element of context is relative location on the landscape. In chapter 16, Pollard begins to address concerns of location and relative context with an outline of a systematic methodology for data collection in metal detecting. The elements of the methodology will be completely familiar to those who have conducted Total Station site mapping and archaeogeophysical surveys using electrical resistance, magnetometry, electromagnetic conductivity, magnetic susceptibility, or ground-penetrating radar. Despite a long-held reputation as an unsystematic tool, metal detecting is identifi ed by the authors contributing to this book as another form of remote sensing. As such, it must then contribute precise, reconstructable, and permanent data. Generally focusing on the positive, Thomas and the assembled authors encourage cooperation. Education and public outreach are precepts that are underpinning the “bridges” being constructed to connect metal-detector users and other members of the interested and conscientious public to archaeology. Thomas suggests that metal-detector users be viewed in terms of their potential contribution, and as providing an opportunity in a time of “community archaeology.” As demonstrated in this book, metal detecting is most successful in the hands of a skilled user, just as archaeology is done best by archaeologists. Based on those clear criteria, successful collaborations are producing extraordinary results. JAMI J. LOCKHART ARKANSAS ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY 2475 N. HATCH AVENUE FAYETTEVILLE, AR 72704

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